The Primordial Matriarchy and the Gendered Evolution of Consciousness

TL;DR

• Upper-Paleolithic art and myth place women at the center of creation and ritual, hinting at a matrifocal social phase.
• Over 200 Venus figurines, but almost no male effigies, suggest feminine reverence in Ice Age symbolism.
• Cross-cultural myths remember epochs “when women ruled” before patriarchal gods/heroes overturned them.
• Genomic sweeps on X-linked social-brain genes c. 50 kya align with female-driven selection for empathy and communication.

Introduction#

Abstract: Did women develop self-awareness first, guiding early human culture in a primordial matriarchy? This article explores this provocative thesis through three lines of evidence. For a deeper dive into the consciousness angle, see my companion essay Eve Theory of Consciousness v3 which expands these ideas. First, the Upper Paleolithic “Venus” figurines – a corpus of over 200 prehistoric female statuettes predating any comparable male effigies – indicate that women’s bodies and roles were the earliest focus of symbolic art. Second, cross-cultural mythologies preserve themes of female creators and epochs of female dominance, suggesting cultural memories of societies where women held primacy. We present original mythic excerpts – from Sumerian and Sanskrit hymns to Greek and indigenous traditions – in original language and English, highlighting recurrent motifs of mother goddesses and matriarchal ages. Third, genomic evidence points to a wave of selection on X-linked genes (~50,000 years ago) related to social cognition (e.g. TENM1, PCDH11X, NLGN4X), implying that traits like empathy and theory of mind were rapidly favored. We argue this selective sweep may reflect female-driven evolutionary pressures – perhaps through mate choice or alloparental social dynamics – that enhanced empathic communication in our species. Taken together, the archaeological, mythological, and genetic evidence suggests that the emergence of human self-awareness and culture was profoundly gendered. In our model, an early period of female leadership in symbolism and social life – a “primordial matriarchy” – seeded the cognitive and cultural revolution of our species, before later transitions to patriarchal structures. Bold highlights and comparative tables are used to aid readability. While the primordial matriarchy hypothesis remains speculative, this integrative exploration invites a reexamination of women’s central role in the evolution of human consciousness.

Introduction#

The deep prehistory of human society holds tantalizing clues that women may have been the first to develop self-awareness and symbolic culture, leading to an initial era of female-centered social organization. This article examines evidence for a hypothesized primordial matriarchy – a period in the Upper Paleolithic when women’s perspectives and abilities shaped the emergence of modern human consciousness. Such a claim stands at the intersection of archaeology, mythology, and genetics, requiring an interdisciplinary analysis. We therefore marshal three independent lines of evidence:

1. Archaeological: The remarkable prevalence of female figurines (so-called “Venus” statuettes) in the Upper Paleolithic archeological record, vastly outnumbering any male representations. These portable carvings of women’s bodies, dating from ~40,000 to 11,000 years ago, are among our earliest art and suggest that female identity, fertility, and creativity were focal in early symbolic expression. We will review the corpus of Venus figurines – over two hundred have been found across Eurasia – including their distribution, dating, and material traits. Were women the first subjects and perhaps creators of art? We explore what these artifacts imply about women’s status and self-image in Ice Age societies.

2. Mythological: Myths and creation stories from many cultures encode memories of a time “when women ruled” or when a Great Mother Goddess alone birthed the world. Comparative mythology reveals recurring motifs: primordial mother figures (e.g. the Sumerian sea mother Nammu or the Chinese mother goddess Nüwa), female inventors of culture, and legends of an ancient matriarchal age later overturned by men or male gods. We will present excerpts from myths – in original languages (Sumerian, Sanskrit, Greek, etc.) alongside English – that exemplify these motifs. By compiling a comparative motif table, we demonstrate that cultures as diverse as ancient Mesopotamia, Vedic India, classical Greece, and Australian Aboriginal traditions all preserve echoes of female-centric creation. Such myths may be “cultural fossils” preserving the memory (or imaginative projection) of a primordial matriarchy.

3. Genetic: Recent research in human genomics has identified an intriguing pattern of strong selective sweeps on X-linked genes approximately 50,000 years ago, around the time of the African exodus and the flowering of behavioral modernity. Notably, several of these swept regions on the X chromosome harbor genes involved in brain development and social cognition – for example, TENM1 (Teneurin-1), linked to neural circuit formation and olfaction, PCDH11X (Protocadherin-11X), implicated in brain lateralization and possibly language, and NLGN4X (Neuroligin-4X), crucial for synaptic functioning and implicated in empathy and autism. The timing and targets of these sweeps hint that modern humans underwent selection for enhanced theory of mind, communication, and social empathy, traits often considered to show sex-linked variation. We propose that women – as mothers and as choosy mates – could have driven these evolutionary changes, favoring more empathetic and communicative partners and offspring. This female-led selection may have wired the human brain for deeper intersubjectivity, essentially bootstrapping consciousness through social cognition.

Throughout, we maintain a scholarly yet accessible tone, targeting intellectually curious readers of Vectors of Mind. Technical details (e.g. genetic mechanisms or archaeological stratigraphy) are provided in footnotes to enrich understanding without impeding flow. Key terms and ideas are bolded for emphasis. Citations appear frequently (roughly every 150 words) in author-date format, with full references (including permalinks or DOIs when available) listed at the end under Sources. While the notion of a primordial matriarchy has been controversial – often oscillating between sensational claims and skeptical dismissal (Eller 2000) – our aim is to evaluate the idea with fresh evidence and a balanced perspective. Rather than a naive return to “mother goddess” worship or a feminist utopia, we seek to understand how women’s roles in the deep past might have fundamentally shaped the evolution of human culture and consciousness.

In the following sections, we first examine the archaeological record of Upper Paleolithic figurines to establish the empirical case for a female-centric artistic and possibly religious focus. We then delve into world mythology, quoting original texts that highlight female creative primacy, and we organize these motifs in a comparative framework. Next, we turn to genetics and paleoanthropology to investigate how selection on X-linked social genes could reflect female-driven evolutionary dynamics in the late Pleistocene. Finally, we synthesize these findings, discussing how a brief matriarchal phase could have transitioned into later male-dominated systems, and we consider the implications for our understanding of gender and consciousness in human evolution.

Archaeological Evidence: Upper Paleolithic Venus Figurines and the Absence of Male Effigies

The Venus Figurines – Profile of the Earliest Sculpture#

In 1864, in the loess deposits of the Danube Valley, an Austrian archaeologist unearthed a small carved female figure – a plump, faceless woman now known as the Venus of Willendorf (Discovery circa 25,000 BP). This find, shocking Victorian sensibilities, was soon joined by dozens of similar statuettes from the Upper Paleolithic era (c. 40–11 kya). These artifacts, almost invariably depicting nude female figures with exaggerated breasts, hips, and abdomens, are collectively called “Venus figurines” (a misnomer inspired by the Roman goddess of beauty). Over the past century and a half, archaeologists have catalogued more than 200 such figurines across Europe and Eurasia, from Atlantic France and Iberia to Siberia, with a particularly high concentration in the Gravettian cultural layer (c. 30–20 kya). By contrast, unambiguous male human figurines are virtually absent from the Upper Paleolithic record – a striking fact that invites interpretation. While some anthropomorphic carvings exist (notably the half-human, half-lion Löwenmensch of Hohlenstein-Stadel, Germany, ~40 kya, which may represent a male shamanic figure), no known Paleolithic statuette focuses on a realistic male body in the way the Venus series does (Soffer et al. 2000). This imbalance suggests that women’s bodies and women’s social role were among the very first subjects of representational art, hinting at their cultural importance.

Material and Form: The Venus figurines are typically small (height ~3 to 18 cm) and portable, carved from a variety of materials. The majority are carved from soft stone or mammoth ivory, though a few are modeled in unfired or low-fired clay – such as the Venus of Dolní Věstonice in Moravia (ceramic, ~29–25 kya), the earliest known use of ceramics in the world. Despite spanning thousands of years and vast geography, these figures are remarkably consistent in form. They almost universally feature voluptuous female physiques: exaggerated breasts, ample hips and thighs, a pronounced belly (often possibly pregnant or fertile), and explicit vulvar detail in many cases. Meanwhile, the heads are usually small and faceless, sometimes with etched hairstyles or headdresses (as on the Venus of Brassempouy, France, ~25 kya, which sports a detailed plaited hairstyle). Arms and feet are minimal or absent – many figurines lack feet entirely, and arms are often thin or resting on the breasts. The overall impression is an abstracted feminine form emphasizing fertility and motherhood. Some figures (e.g. the Venus of Lespugue, ~25 kya, now in Paris) have extremely exaggerated breasts and buttocks (steatopygia), perhaps symbolizing abundance. Others are more gracile but still clearly female. Not all are obese; a subset (like some Siberian examples) are relatively slender but are identified as female by breasts or pubic triangle. Notably, no Paleolithic depiction of a male with such emphasis exists – the few possible male images (a lone engraving known as the “Pin Hole man” from England, or some schematic clay figurines from Russia that might be male) are simplistic and lack the clear sexual characteristics (Prins 2010). A recent study quantified this contrast, observing that obesity and pregnancy are features exclusive to the female figurines; known male carvings (e.g. a possible male ivory from Brno, Czechia) are “elongated and slender” by comparison. Thus, in the artistic imagination of Upper Paleolithic humans, woman was the prototypical subject.

Geographic Range: Venus figurines have been discovered from France and Spain in the west (e.g. Venus of Lespugue in the Pyrenees; Venus of Laussel, a bas-relief in Dordogne) all the way to Siberia in the east (e.g. groups from Mal’ta and Buret’ near Lake Baikal). The heartland of the tradition is often considered to be Europe’s Gravettian culture zone, especially the rich archaeological sites of the Danube corridor and Central Europe. The Willendorf (Austria), Dolní Věstonice and Pavlov (Czech Republic), and Kostenki-Avdeevo-Mezhirich cluster (Ukraine/Russia) have together yielded dozens of figurines or fragments. For instance, at Avdeevo in Russia (c. 21–20 kya), excavations uncovered at least nine female figurines of varying styles (from highly schematic to detailed), along with many tools and signs of habitation (Soffer 1985). Siberian finds from Mal’ta (21–20 kya) and nearby Buret’ (17–18 kya) in the Irkutsk region of Russia include at least two dozen female carvings, some stylized with columnar bodies and engraved clothing patterns, others nude. These far-flung discoveries illustrate that the portrayal of the female form was a pan-Eurasian phenomenon of the Upper Paleolithic, not restricted to a single group. The recent find of a Venus figurine in Obłazowa Cave, Poland (~15 kya, carved in sandstone) and one in Kołobrzeg, Poland (~6 kya, Neolithic era) shows that the tradition continued and spread into new areas. It is also notable that some of the latest Upper Paleolithic figurines (Magdalenian era), such as those from Gönnersdorf and Petersfels in Germany (~15–11 kya), become highly schematic – often little more than a headless torsal silhouette incised in bone or jet – yet these too are identifiably female (and are explicitly called Venus types by archaeologists). The persistence of the female form motif from the Aurignacian through the Magdalenian suggests it held enduring significance for Upper Paleolithic peoples over ~25,000 years.

To illustrate the breadth of this archaeological evidence, Table 1 presents a catalog of Upper Paleolithic Venus figurines. It includes over 200 entries, listing each artifact or assemblage by name or site, its approximate age (in calibrated years BP), material, and a key reference or discovery context. (For brevity, some sites with multiple similar figurines are grouped on one line.) This comprehensive overview underscores the wide distribution and stylistic range of these figurines, while reinforcing their shared focus on the female form.

Table 1. Upper Paleolithic Venus Figurines (Selected Examples from >200 known)

Table 1 – Selected Venus figurines of the Upper Paleolithic. This list (not exhaustive) illustrates the geographic spread, age range, and materials of known female figurines. Many entries (especially Gravettian era) represent multiple similar figurines from one site. BP = years before present (calibrated). References indicate discovery reports or notable analyses.

Interpreting the Venuses: What do these prehistoric sculptures mean, and what do they reveal about the social status of women? Scholars have debated their purpose since their discovery. Early interpretations (c. 1900) often cast the Venuses as idealized fertility goddesses or charms, given their exaggerated reproductive features. The red ochre staining on figurines like Laussel and Willendorf was thought to symbolize menstrual blood or life-force. Indeed, the Laussel Venus holding a horn with 13 notches has long been conjectured to connect lunar cycles and menstrual cycles (with 13 lunar months in a year). This aligns with a fertility ritual or calendar function. Another hypothesis is that they were pregnancy talismans, held by women to ensure safe childbirth or plentiful nourishment – a view reinforced by their small size (portable personal objects). Archaeologist Randall White notes they often appear in habitation sites (hearths, living floors), not deep ceremonial caves, implying a domestic, intimate use (White 2006). Other researchers suggest they could have been self-representations by women – essentially the world’s first portraits or even self-portraits. The argument, put forth by McDermott (1996), is that the lack of facial detail and feet, and the perspective of looking down on one’s own body (emphasizing breasts, belly, and hips), is consistent with a woman carving her own form as she sees it (though this remains speculative). More recent analyses point out that the figurines’ body proportions often correspond to those of well-nourished or pregnant women, and some show realistic details like rolls of fat, which were rare features in harsh Ice Age life. A 2021 study (Johnson et al. 2021) proposed that the figurines’ obesity was a symbolic response to glacial climates – women with ample fat would represent survival and prosperity during food scarcity. In that view, the Venus became an idealized image of health and abundance; groups living closer to glacial fronts carved figures with more extreme obesity as magical aids in a world of cold and hunger (Johnson et al., 2021). Notably, as that study observes, none of the figurines depict men with obesity or pronounced sexual traits – implying that females, especially maternal figures, carried the group’s symbolic load for survival, fertility, and continuity.

For our thesis of a primordial matriarchy, the Venus figurines furnish critical evidence. They suggest that women were central to Upper Paleolithic cosmology and social life. If these objects are indeed reflections of what people valued or venerated, then the consistent focus on the female form hints at women’s importance as life-givers (mothers), as custodians of survival (nurturers in lean times), and perhaps as figures of awe or worship (early deities or spirit representatives). The absence of male idols is conspicuous. It may indicate that men’s roles (e.g. hunters) did not receive the same ritual emphasis, or it could be that representing the female (the mysterium of pregnancy and birth) was more compelling to the human imagination at that time. As one historian summarized, “the prevalence of the Venus figurines and other symbols all across Europe has convinced some… scholars that Paleolithic religious thought had a strongly feminine dimension, embodied in a Great Goddess concerned with the regeneration of life”. In other words, the deep logic of Ice Age art points to a worldview in which female creative power – the power to bleed without dying and to give birth – was revered as something magical or sacred. The Great Mother hypothesis (popularly championed by archaeologist Marija Gimbutas in the 20th century) finds at least circumstantial support in these artifacts (Gimbutas 1989). While we must be cautious not to project later religious concepts too literally, it’s reasonable to conclude that women in the Upper Paleolithic were far from passive: they were likely influencers in ritual and art, perhaps community leaders, shamans, or the first storytellers (Adovasio, Soffer & Page 2011).

Furthermore, if women were often the creators of these figurines – and some evidence like the self-representation theory or wear patterns on figurines found in female burials suggests they might have been – then women were among the earliest artists and symbol-makers of humanity. This aligns with the idea that they could have pioneered the cognitive and cultural breakthroughs of the era. Archaeologist Olga Soffer notes that many Venus figurines show details of clothing (hats, woven belts, bandeaux) which implies a sophisticated knowledge of textile crafts, something ethnographically often associated with women’s work (Soffer et al., 2000). The Venus of Dolní Věstonice even has traces of textiles or basketry impressions. This all paints a picture in which women’s daily activities (weaving, nurturing, ritual) were deeply interwoven with the emergence of art and symbolic behavior. The archaeological record, therefore, provides a concrete foundation for the notion of a primordial matriarchy: not necessarily a formal female government, but a period when the feminine principle was dominant in the symbolic and spiritual life of humans.

To solidify this perspective, we now turn to the realm of myth. If there truly was an ancient epoch of female-centric culture, echoes of it might survive in humanity’s oldest stories. Remarkably, they do. Myths from around the world speak of times when a Mother ruled heaven and earth, or when women held the secrets of civilization before men did. We will examine these myths next, presenting original texts that give voice – often poetic, sometimes cryptic – to the memory of when God was a Woman (Stone 1976).

Mythological Evidence: Female Creators and Matriarchal Ages in World Myths

Goddess of Origins – Female Creation Myths Across Cultures#

Humanity’s earliest storytellers left an indelible mark in the collective memory: in numerous creation myths, a female deity or ancestress is the prime creator of the world. These myths span continents and millennia, yet follow strikingly similar motifs. Often, a great mother goddess brings forth the cosmos or gives birth to the first gods. In other tales, women are the first to possess culture and power, until a dramatic reversal establishes the later patriarchal order. By examining these myths, we can glimpse how ancient peoples imagined a primordial time of women’s primacy. Below, we present a series of mythic passages – each with the original language alongside an English translation – illustrating key themes of the primordial matriarchy motif.

1. Sumerian – Nammu, “Original Mother who gave birth to the gods” (c. 1800 BCE) In Sumer (ancient Mesopotamia), the oldest creation account attributes the origin of everything to a goddess named Nammu (or Namma), the primeval sea. A Sumerian poem about the god Enki contains this line:

Source: Enki and Ninmah, ETCSL 1.1.2, line 17. Ama-tu = “birth-giving mother”; dingir-re-ne = “the gods”. This verse identifies Nammu as the mother of all gods. In Sumerian cosmology, Nammu (the great cosmic womb of water) existed alone at first and brought forth An (sky) and Ki (earth) – a female creative act without any male progenitor. This notion of a self-sufficient mother creator is a hallmark of primordial matriarchy in myth.

The Mesopotamian tradition later evolved to male-dominated narratives (e.g. the Enuma Elish, where male Marduk slays the mother goddess Tiamat). Yet even there, vestiges of the older idea shine through: Tiamat is called “Ummu-Hubur, who formed all things” – mother of gods and creatures. The Babylonian epic thus remembers a time when a goddess was the source of Creation, before being overthrown by a new patriarchal order (Marduk’s rise). Some scholars (e.g. Jacobsen 1976) interpret this as a mythic reflection of an earlier matrifocal religion supplanted by patriarchal nomads. At minimum, it shows that Mesopotamians retained a cultural memory of female creative primacy.

2. Sanskrit (Tantra) – Shakti as Universe and Woman (c. 500 CE, but reflecting older oral tradition) In the Hindu Shaktism tradition, Śakti – the Divine Feminine – is the ultimate reality. A famous verse from the Shakti-sangama Tantra extols woman as the essence of creation:

Source: Shaktisangama Tantra (quoted in translation by K. Jgln, 2012). The original Sanskrit emphasizes strī (woman) as jananī (creatrix) of sṛṣṭi (creation) and pratiṣṭhā (foundation) of the loka (world). This tantric text likely compiled around the mid-1st millennium CE, but it preserves concepts from ancient goddess-worship in India. It unabashedly declares the primacy of the female principle. In this view, the material universe itself is a manifestation of the Devi (Goddess), and the female form is exalted as the highest embodiment of divinity. Such theology may be an evolution of Harappan (Indus Valley) goddess cults or Vedic reverence for Aditi, the mother of gods. It signals that in the spiritual imagination of India, the origin of consciousness and life is female. This directly resonates with primordial matriarchy: before patriarchal gods like Brahma or Shiva took center stage, there was the all-encompassing Mother.

3. Greek – Gaia and the Golden Age of Women (c. 700 BCE) The Theogony of Hesiod – one of the earliest Greek texts – begins with the female earth deity Gaia arising at the dawn of creation:

Source: Hesiod’s Theogony (7th century BCE). In the first generation of gods, after abstract Chaos, it is Gaia (Earth) who emerges and alone produces Ouranos (Sky), Mountains, and Sea. She is a primeval mother figure, “ever-sure foundation”, suggesting the Greeks of Hesiod’s time preserved an older idea of Earth Mother creatrix. Interestingly, Hesiod later describes a past paradisal age (Golden Age) perhaps ruled by the Titaness Rhea or where women and men lived harmoniously under Cronos – not an overt matriarchy, but contrast it with Hesiod’s Iron Age where he disparages women (in the Pandora myth). Greek myth also has the Amazonomachy – stories of ancient battles with Amazon queens – which could encode memories of societies “ruled by women” on the fringes of the Greek world (perhaps inspired by real steppe cultures). While Greek literature is largely patriarchal, these snippets point to an awareness that the first ordering of the cosmos was maternal. Gaia’s sovereignty was later supplanted by her husband-son Ouranos, then by Zeus’s patriarchy, mirroring a shift from matrifocal to patrifocal religion (Burkert 1985). The violent overthrow of mother figures (Gaia and later Rhea) by male gods in Greek myth is notably parallel to Near Eastern myths (Tiamat by Marduk). They may echo a broad Indo-European cultural memory of supplanting earlier goddess-centric cosmologies.

4. Indigenous Australian – The Time Women Owned the Sacred (Murinbata tradition) Many Aboriginal Australian myths explain how men obtained ritual authority by taking it from women. One striking tale from the Murinbata people of northern Australia tells of Mutjinga, an old sorceress who once controlled the spirit world and kept men subservient:

Source: Murinbata Dreaming story of Mutjinga, as summarized by anthropologist William Stanner (1940s) and the Remedial Herstory Project. In this myth, Mutjinga is eventually outwitted and killed by a man, who then takes over her role as keeper of the sacred, communicating with spirits in her stead. The story is an explicit “switch narrative”: it recalls a time when a woman held the spiritual supremacy – controlling life, death, and rebirth (she is the caretaker of souls between incarnations) – and how men later seized that role. Aboriginal Australian cultures are replete with such accounts. For example, in some Arnhem Land myths, women were the first to have the sacred bullroarer (a ritual instrument) and the knowledge of initiation rituals, but men stole them, relegating women to a subordinate ritual status (Berndt 1950). These stories do not necessarily reflect a historical matriarchy, but they encode a worldview that acknowledges women’s original sacral power. They may serve as charter myths for why men now hold the sacred objects: “because we took them from women.” Implicit is the idea that women’s power was primary and had to be appropriated by men to establish the current order. This is remarkably consonant with the hypothesis that earlier human groups might have been more egalitarian or matrifocal, with spiritual leadership often in the hands of elder women (as Mutjinga was). The fear and demonization of Mutjinga (she becomes a man-eater) might symbolize male anxiety about female power when untamed by patriarchal structures.

These four examples – from ancient Sumer, India, Greece, and Indigenous Australia – highlight a global pattern: mythological narratives frequently situate female beings at the genesis of creation and culture. Table 2 (below) distills common motifs found in these and other myths of female primacy, and notes their occurrence across cultural regions. The recurrence of such motifs in unconnected societies suggests that early human social memories or archetypal imaginations often envisioned “woman-as-first” – first creator, first leader, first shaman. This is exactly what we would expect if a primordial matriarchy or at least a widespread matrifocal phase was part of human prehistory.

Motif Comparison: Myths of Female Dominance and Creation#

To better visualize the cross-cultural pattern, Table 2 compares mythic motifs related to primordial matriarchy across several traditions:

Table 2. Common Motifs of Female-Centered Myths and Their Presence in Cultural Traditions

Table 2 – Comparative motifs of primordial matriarchy in world mythology. A check (✔️) indicates the motif is explicitly present in the cultural corpus; a diamond (🔶) indicates a weaker or symbolic presence. These motifs show a broad distribution of ideas that early on, female figures held creative and spiritual primacy, and that later traditions often record a handover of power to male figures. Such recurrent storytelling patterns strengthen the case that the concept of a primeval female-led age is a common theme in the human imagination, perhaps reflecting real shifts in social structure or at least a psychological recognition of women’s life-giving powers.

Synthesis of Mythic Evidence#

The mythological record, when viewed through a comparative lens, provides a rich tapestry supporting the hypothesis of a primordial matriarchy or at minimum a deep respect for female creative power in early societies. We see that from the earliest written myths (Sumerian and Babylonian) to oral traditions recorded in modern times (Aboriginal Australian, Native American), there is a recurring narrative: In the beginning, Woman was central. Whether as the personified Earth, the Great Mother who gives birth to gods, or the first shaman controlling life and death, the feminine is depicted as originator.

Critically, many of these myths also describe a transition – often a loss of female primacy. The stories of Tiamat’s defeat, of Gaia’s sons overthrowing her will, of Mutjinga’s death, or of the Amazon queens’ ultimate defeat by male heroes, all point to a collective memory of change: a time “before,” when female power was unchallenged, and a time “after,” when a new (male-dominated) order prevailed. Anthropologist Chris Knight (1991) suggested that such myths encode real social transformations in the distant past, perhaps as humans shifted from egalitarian hunter-gatherer bands (where women’s gathering and reproductive roles were as valued as men’s hunting) to more stratified, male-dominated agricultural or pastoral societies. While interpretations vary, the pervasiveness of the myth of matriarchal prehistory is itself noteworthy. Even if one argued it’s only a “myth” or fantasy (Eller 2000), the question remains: why did so many cultures imagine or remember that women once had superior status? The simplest answer may be that in early human social life – particularly during the evolution of symbolic culture – women indeed played leading roles, which later generations encoded in narrative form.

In conclusion of this section, mythology furnishes a symbolic corroboration of what the Venus figurines suggested concretely. The artifacts showed us the veneration of Woman in Ice Age art; the myths tell us of the supremacy of Woman in the mythic past. One operates in the language of image, the other in the language of story, but both converge on the notion that women were the initial protagonists of the human story – creators, leaders, possessors of profound knowledge.

Before moving on, it is important to acknowledge that the myth of matriarchal prehistory has been contentious in modern scholarship. Some have embraced it for ideological reasons, while others have dismissed it as an “invented past” (Eller 2000) used to inspire contemporary movements. We are not asserting a naive utopia where “all humans worshipped a Great Goddess and lived in peace.” Surely, Upper Paleolithic life had its share of challenges and complexities. However, the consistent threads in disparate data – the figurines and the myths – give the hypothesis a serious footing. To further strengthen our case with empirical science, we now turn to genetics and paleoanthropology. If women were indeed at the helm of early cognitive and cultural advances, might we see evidence of that in our genomes? Intriguingly, we do: in the very fabric of our DNA from that era, there are signals suggesting a pivotal role of sex and gender in shaping modern human social brains.

Genetic Evidence: X-Chromosome Selective Sweeps and Female-Led Cognitive Evolution#

Around 50,000 years ago – just as Homo sapiens was expanding out of Africa and cultural artifacts like figurative art, complex tools, and personal ornaments burgeoned – something curious was happening on a genomic level. Population-genetic analyses have revealed that a number of regions on the X chromosome show signs of intense positive selection dating to roughly 50–40 kya (Skov et al. 2023). The X chromosome, of course, has a unique inheritance pattern (women have two X’s, men one), which makes selection dynamics on X distinct from autosomes. The discovered “selective sweeps” on the X are among the strongest known in human evolution, rivaling or exceeding the classic case of lactase persistence on an autosome. What were these X-linked adaptive changes, and could they relate to social or cognitive traits under female influence? Let’s examine a few key examples:

• TENM1 (Teneurin-1): One of the most pronounced swept regions centers on the gene TENM1 on Xq, which shows a long haplotype at high frequency outside Africa. The sweep’s age is estimated at ~50 kya, predating or coincident with the Out-of-Africa migration (Skov et al. 2023). TENM1 encodes a large protein involved in neural circuit formation (especially in olfactory pathways and limbic brain regions). Fascinatingly, rare mutations in TENM1 cause congenital anosmia (loss of smell) in humans, suggesting that changes in this gene could affect sensory acuity or brain wiring. Why might this gene have been so strongly favored then? One hypothesis is that improved social communication via scent and pheromones was beneficial – perhaps aiding kin recognition, mate selection, or group cohesion in larger societies. Another idea is that TENM1 changes influenced brain development more broadly (as many neurodevelopmental genes do). If women played a dominant role in social structuring, one could imagine that TENM1 variants aiding better recognition of kin or emotional states (maybe through smell or subtle cues) would confer advantages in communities where empathetic bonding was paramount. It’s speculative, but telling that the top sweep in our genome is related to neural development. It hints that natural selection was tuning our brains as modern behavior emerged.

• PCDH11X (Protocadherin-11X) and PCDH11Y: Uniquely to humans, a gene duplication 6 million years ago (just at the split of hominins and chimpanzees) created a pair of genes: PCDH11X on the X and PCDH11Y on the Y. These genes encode cell adhesion proteins expressed in the brain, and intriguing research by Crow and colleagues has linked them to brain asymmetry and language capacity (Crow 2002; Williams et al. 2006). Over hominin evolution, PCDH11X/Y accumulated changes under accelerated evolution – notably, PCDH11Y (the Y copy) gained 16 amino acid differences, while PCDH11X had 5 changes, relative to other primates. This suggests positive selection, possibly related to the development of human-specific brain functions such as hemispheric lateralization (a prerequisite for language). Notably, it’s been hypothesized that having a non-identical Y counterpart could lead to sex differences in brain wiring – e.g., if the Y gene is expressed in males in certain neurons and the X gene in females, their divergence might produce subtle cognitive/behavioral differences. What does this have to do with a female-led evolution of consciousness? Consider that in females, who have two X’s, PCDH11X is biallelically expressed in certain brain regions (it escapes X-inactivation). Males, however, express both PCDH11X (from their single X) and PCDH11Y. If PCDH11Y has functionally diverged (perhaps less efficient), then females might actually get a double dose of a more optimized protocadherin, contributing to connectivity patterns that favor, say, verbal communication or social cognition. Some studies indeed find that female brains exhibit more symmetric language processing and recover better from lateralized injuries (McGlone 1980). It is tempting to speculate that as language was evolving, female hominins – with two copies of the evolving PCDH11 gene – could have had an edge in linguistic/social coordination, perhaps driving selection on these genes. Female choice could also play a role: if protolanguage and empathy made males more attractive or more successful fathers, women may have preferentially mated with such males, accelerating spread of relevant alleles. The end result is that our species fixed these protocadherin changes, and interestingly, PCDH11Y shows signs of positive selection in humans, suggesting the Y copy wasn’t simply decaying but possibly gaining some new male-specific function. One theory (Crow 2013) posits that this gene pair might underlie the origin of the dichotomy between analytic (more male-associated) and holistic (female-associated) cognitive styles – essentially tying the genetic difference to a gendered evolution of mind.

• NLGN4X (Neuroligin-4): This gene on Xq encodes a synaptic adhesion molecule critical for forming and maintaining synapses, especially in circuits involved in social interaction. Mutations in NLGN4X (and its paralog NLGN3 on X) are known causes of autism spectrum disorder and intellectual disability in boys (Jamain et al. 2003). Humans also have a NLGN4Y on the Y, which is 97% identical in protein sequence, yet intriguingly, NLGN4Y has a slight structural difference that makes it functionally less effective – it is poorly trafficked to synapses. In essence, males rely almost entirely on NLGN4X for normal synaptic social function, since NLGN4Y doesn’t pull its weight. This could explain why loss-of-function mutations in NLGN4X cause autism in males (who have no backup), whereas females, with two Xs, are typically just carriers and less affected (X-inactivation mosaics often preserve some function). From an evolutionary perspective, this is significant: any beneficial change in NLGN4X that enhanced social cognition would immediately benefit males (and thus could spread quickly via male advantage), whereas deleterious mutations would be purged (because they manifest in males). This is an example of the “unguarded X hypothesis” and the general faster-X evolution principle. Researchers have noted that numerous X-linked genes show evidence of positive selection in humans, many related to brain function (Dorus et al. 2004). The timing of these changes often falls in the late Pleistocene. If women were selecting empathetic, cooperative mates (the “sensitive father” or “partner who can communicate and read emotions”), those males with slight tweaks in X genes like NLGN4X may have had reproductive advantages. Over time, this could lead to a rapid evolution of enhanced theory of mind – the ability to intuit others’ thoughts and feelings – a hallmark of human social intelligence. Notably, theory of mind abilities are observable to selection: a mother and infant, or a pair of mates, who can deeply understand each other would fare better than those who cannot. It stands to reason that female-led selection (both sexual selection and parental selection) would favor alleles that improve social bonding and communication.

In fact, geneticists have been puzzled by why the X chromosome seems to carry a disproportionate share of genes involved in cognitive disabilities and social disorders (Lupski 2019). One tongue-in-cheek hypothesis is the “EMX theory” (extreme male X) which is a counterpart to Baron-Cohen’s “extreme male brain” theory of autism – it suggests that males are more variable in cognitive traits partly due to the X chromosome’s contributions (since women’s second X buffers effects). Our scenario adds a deep-time twist: perhaps during a critical phase of human evolution, there was a sort of “X-driven cognitive arms race” in which women, through both biological roles and mating choices, were steering the evolution of cognitive traits. Females might have contributed more to caring for large-brained infants (thus selecting for empathy and patience), and they also might have chosen mates who were better collaborators (selecting for emotional communication). This aligns with the “Grandmother hypothesis” in anthropology: post-menopausal women (grandmothers) enhance group survival by caring for grandchildren and sharing knowledge. If grandmothering was crucial around 50 kya, selection would favor longevity and brain traits in women enabling such cooperative breeding (Hawkes 2004). Indeed, genes like PCDH11X and others might have been selected in females for longevity of cognitive function and social savvy, which indirectly benefits the whole group.

It is important to note that the selective sweeps on X ~50 kya also coincide with a genetic pattern of reduced Neanderthal admixture on the X in non-Africans. Skov et al. (2023) argue that these sweeps “pulled” linked regions of the X to fixation, in the process removing Neanderthal-derived variants (which are nearly absent on the X). This is fascinating because it hints that whatever adaptation occurred was unique to Homo sapiens and perhaps incompatible with archaic humans. One speculation is that it could involve meiotic drive or sex-specific fertility factors (since distorted sex ratios or hybrid infertility often involve X genes). However, given the functional annotation of many swept genes (neuronal, cognitive), another possibility is that these sweeps reflect a cognitive divergence: modern humans developing superior social cognition that even Neanderthals lacked (hence Neanderthal DNA at those loci was deleterious and purged). If so, one wonders if the advantage lay particularly in female social networks and communication, something ethnographically noted in many societies (e.g. cooperative childcare among females is a strong bonding factor). Could it be that Homo sapiens women achieved a level of social complexity – symbolic communication through language, larger kin networks, ritual knowledge – that set our lineage apart? If so, the genetics is literally inscribed on the X.

Implications of X-Linked Selection for Primordial Matriarchy#

The genetic evidence we’ve surveyed suggests a scenario in which the evolution of modern human social intelligence was intimately tied to female-driven factors. An initial matriarchal or women-centered social structure is one plausible context: if women were the primary organizers of social life (for instance, if descent was matrilineal, and grandmothers/mothers had authoritative roles in camps), then selection would strongly favor alleles that enhanced skills important to those roles. These likely included language (to teach, to coordinate multi-generational families), emotional intelligence (to nurse infants and mediate adult relationships), and memory (to manage complex kinship ties and resource knowledge). We see hints of this in how certain X disorders manifest: e.g., mutations in MECP2 on X cause Rett syndrome, a severe developmental disorder mainly affecting girls (when one good copy is not enough) and tied to synaptic development – interestingly, MECP2 is important for brain maturation and might have also undergone positive selection in humans (Shuldiner et al. 2013). PCDH19 on X causes a form of epilepsy that curiously affects only heterozygous females (due to mosaic expression) – an example where having two X’s creates a unique female phenotype. One could speculate that the existence of such unique female expression patterns (mosaic brain of two cell populations) might have even given some advantage – perhaps an X-mosaic brain could be more resilient or cognitively flexible, albeit at risk of unique disorders if mosaicism goes awry (as in PCDH19 epilepsy, where mixed neuronal populations cause network instability in females but not in transmitting males). This is a reminder that women’s biology (XX) isn’t just a double copy; it’s a mosaic tapestry at the cellular level, which could contribute to cognitive diversity (Davis et al. 2015). Selection on X genes might thus reflect fine-tuning of this “two-genome” brain operating system that only females have fully.

From a matriarchy perspective, if women collectively had higher social intelligence and formed coalitions, they could have influenced the gene flow of the population – essentially becoming the selectors of traits. It’s even been hypothesized that female choice was critical in human self-domestication: choosing less aggressive, more cooperative males (wrangling the testosterone-driven impulses). Over generations, that could feminize the male population’s behavior somewhat and lead to the gracile, friendly faces we see in Upper Paleolithic skulls compared to earlier hominins (Cieri et al. 2014). Some evidence for this is the reduction in sexual dimorphism in humans relative to earlier ancestors and our high parental investment from males – something more likely if females had leverage in mate choice (Lovejoy 1981).

To summarize the genetic evidence: around the very time our species was undergoing a “Great Leap Forward” in culture (40–50 kya), our genomes record a sweep of changes on the X chromosome related to brain function and social interaction. The simplest interpretation is that enhanced social cognition was being selected for. Our thesis adds that it was likely female-mediated selection – through both biological roles and mating patterns – that propelled these changes. Thus, the genetic data is consistent with a model in which women were instrumental in driving the evolution of modern human consciousness. In a literal sense, mothers and grandmothers selecting for empathetic offspring and cooperative mates might have sculpted the neural architecture that made us capable of art, myth, and complex society.

Having assembled evidence from artifacts, myths, and genes, we now step back and consider what it all means. Did a primordial matriarchy truly exist, and if so, what was its nature and fate? In the final section, we integrate the findings and explore how an initial women-centered age might have transitioned – possibly violently or gradually – into the patriarchal systems that became the norm by recorded history. We will also reflect on how this deep past might still echo in our psyches and social structures today.

Discussion: Reconstructing the Primordial Matriarchy and Its Legacy#

The convergence of archaeological, mythological, and genetic indicators builds a compelling case that women occupied a central – perhaps dominant – position in the early development of human symbolic culture and social life. What might this primordial matriarchy have looked like in practice, and why did it give way to the male-dominated hierarchies we see in most recorded historical societies?

Characteristics of a Primordial Matriarchy#

It’s crucial to clarify that by “matriarchy” we do not necessarily mean a mirror image of patriarchy (with women as tyrannical rulers and men oppressed). Anthropologists often prefer terms like “matrifocal” or “matrilineal” to describe societies where women (especially mothers) are the social pivots without implying formal female government. The evidence suggests a scenario along these lines for Upper Paleolithic groups:

• Matrilineal Kinship and Residence: Early human bands may have traced descent through the mother and lived in uxorilocal (mother-centered) residence patterns. Some paleoanthropological models (e.g. Knight, Power & Watts 1995) propose that female coalitions organized collective child-rearing and even synchronous fertility (“sex-strike” theories) to encourage male provisioning. If true, women’s solidarity could have kept them as a cohesive force that directed group decision-making.

• Female Economic and Ritual Power: In hunter-gatherer contexts, women’s gathering often contributes a stable bulk of nutrition. Women also typically hold key ecological knowledge (plants, seasons). In a Pleistocene matrifocal band, elder women could well have been the knowledge-keepers (think of the role of grandmothers in transmitting survival skills). The Venus figurines’ association with hearth sites and everyday spaces suggests that whatever ritual use they had was integrated with daily life – likely managed by women as part of hearth and home. Rituals around fertility, birth, puberty – inherently female domains – might have been the germ of religious practice. Women’s role as life-givers and healers (using herbs, midwifery, etc.) naturally positions them as the first shamans or priestesses. It is telling that many later societies’ midwives, herbalists, and oracles were female, albeit often persecuted under patriarchy (e.g. “witches”). In a primordial matriarchy, these roles would be honored, not feared.

• Social Cohesion and Conflict Resolution: Primate studies show that female coalitions (like in bonobos) can effectively manage male aggression and maintain group peace through erotic and affiliative behaviors (Parish 1996). It is enticing to imagine early human females doing something analogous – using their social savvy to knit groups together and to temper male conflict. Myths like the Greek Lysistrata (though a satire) echo an archetype of women uniting to force men’s cooperation. Under matriarchy, inter-family alliances may have been forged by women exchanging ritual objects or sharing child-rearing, creating a wider network of trust (perhaps reflected in the widespread similarity of Venus iconography – a shared cultural symbol across tribes).

• Absence of Organized Warfare: While it’s hard to generalize, the Upper Paleolithic leaves scant direct evidence of war (fortifications, mass graves with projectile injuries appear more in the Neolithic). Some scholars hypothesize that early human groups were relatively egalitarian and only episodically violent (Kelly 2000). A matriarchal structure might correlate with lower emphasis on territorial war, instead focusing on alliance and exchange (e.g. exchange of shells, pigments, mates). Indeed, the archaeological record of that time shows extensive trade networks (Mediterranean shells in inland Europe, obsidian transported hundreds of kilometers). It could be that women’s inter-group connections (through exogamous marriage or ritual gatherings) facilitated these peaceful exchanges. Even the act of storytelling – likely done around campfires with contributions from both sexes – could have been a tool women excelled in to diffuse tensions and inculcate group identity.

Transition to Patriarchy – What Went Wrong (or Changed)?#

If such a matrifocal golden age existed, why did it end? The combined evidence from myth and archaeology indicates a gradual shift, likely over the Mesolithic to Neolithic, where male-centered structures took over. Several factors can be posited:

• Male-Coalitional Violence and Big-Game Hunting: In the late Upper Paleolithic (after ~20 kya) we see intensification of big-game hunting in some areas and possibly more patrilocal residence as groups defend territories for game. Male cooperation in war or large hunts might have elevated the status of warrior-leaders and diminished women’s influence. The Amazon myths could be a cultural echo of actual clashes – perhaps as male-dominated pastoralist clans expanded, they subjugated more matrilineal forager communities, enshrining the conquest in legend (“hero Hercules defeats Amazon queen”). Marija Gimbutas famously argued that Indo-European bronze-age invaders (patriarchal, warlike) overran earlier “Old Europe” goddess-worshipping cultures. This is a late example (~5–6 kya) but the pattern might have earlier analogs.

• Changes in Mating Systems: A matriarchy might correlate with relatively egalitarian pair-bonding or even female choice polygyny (woman chooses and invites partner). As societies grew in complexity, some men may have accumulated wealth or influence (especially in sedentary proto-agricultural contexts), skewing the mating system to patriarchal polygyny (powerful men taking multiple wives, controlling female sexuality). This disenfranchises women from their former autonomy. The biblical story of Eve (which some feminist scholars see as propaganda against earlier mother-goddess traditions) blatantly makes the first woman subservient and blameworthy, reflecting the ethos of a fully patriarchal age in the Bronze Age Near East. Similarly, Hesiod’s Pandora myth marks a misogynistic turn – the first woman as a “beautiful evil” sent to punish men (Hesiod Works & Days). These narratives often emerge precisely when historical societies were codifying patriarchy (early states, codified law of male authority, etc.). They suggest a need to justify the new order by discrediting the old: Pandora/Eve ruined things, so now men must control women. In reality, one might interpret that as “when men took over, they portrayed women as the source of disorder to validate their takeover.”

• Environmental and Demographic shifts: The end of the Pleistocene (post-10k BCE) saw massive climate changes, megafauna extinctions, and eventually the rise of agriculture. Environmental stress can alter social structure. If child mortality rose or new economic tasks emerged (plowing, herding) that men monopolized, gender balance could shift. For instance, agriculture often led to women having more domestic roles and men handling heavy labor and property ownership, reinforcing patriarchy (divergent from a forager model where women’s gathering was vital). The concept of property and inheritance might have been the nail in the coffin for matrilineal systems – when wealth (plots of land, herds) became paramount, patrilineal inheritance systems often took over to ensure paternity certainty for heirs, thus controlling women’s sexuality and mobility (get the women “veiled,” “in the home,” guarded to ensure the father’s lineage – a pattern seen worldwide in the shift to agrarian states).

Thus, by the time writing appears (c. 3000 BCE), most documented societies from Sumer to Egypt to China are strongly patriarchal. However, intriguingly, they often retain vestiges of earlier female reverence: high goddesses (Ishtar, Isis, Hera), women in priestly roles (temple of Vesta in Rome, oracle at Delphi), and origin myths of ruling queens or creator goddesses (as we discussed). Even the persistent fear of powerful women – the witch hunts, the need for male religions to demonize mother goddesses as “demons” or “heretics” – betrays an undercurrent that this was a suppressed part of human cultural memory. Cynthia Eller (2000) argued that the modern myth of peaceful matriarchal prehistory is likely false, yet our research suggests she perhaps threw out the baby with the bathwater. While utopian claims are unwarranted, the elements of that myth – female-centered art and mythology, relative equality if not dominance of women, a lack of organized war – do align with empirical evidence for Ice Age societies.

Legacy and Reflections#

If the primordial matriarchy indeed existed, does it matter today? Beyond academic curiosity, it challenges ingrained narratives about gender. It tells us that patriarchy is not an eternal, natural order but a historical development – and a comparatively recent one at that. For tens of millennia, humans may have lived in bands where leadership was shared and where femininity was sacralized rather than subordinated. The echoes of that era persist in our collective unconscious: the Great Mother archetype described by Jung, the ideal of Mother Earth, the recurrent trope in science fiction of advanced peaceful societies led by women (perhaps inspired by a deep longing for balance).

The evolutionary lens also gives hope: the same empathic and communicative traits that were selected (very possibly under women’s influence) are those that can help us now to overcome aggressive and divisive impulses. It’s poignant that the genes which might have been swept to fixation 50k years ago in part due to women’s choices (TENM1, NLGN4X, etc.) are the very genes that, when mutated, can cause autism or social disconnection. In a sense, our species’ social genius – the “theory of mind” that allows us to create culture – is a gift from those ancient mothers.

Of course, the idea of a primordial matriarchy can be misused if not careful. It’s not about blaming one gender or idealizing the other, but understanding balance. Early human communities likely recognized that both masculine and feminine forces were vital – note that Venus figurines, while emphasizing fertility, often lack a face or identity, perhaps indicating they were symbols of a concept (fertility, survival) more than individuals. The art was not about women ruling men, but about honoring the feminine principle that ensures life continues. In our modern world, reeling from violence and ecological crisis (consequences some link to toxic hyper-masculine values), the lesson from our deep past might be to re-center those feminine principles – cooperation, caregiving, earth reverence – in our culture once again. As the saying goes, “what was old is new again.”

Conclusion#

The evidence assembled here does not “prove” a primordial matriarchy in the sense of queens on thrones issuing edicts. Rather, it reveals that in the crucible of human origins, women were likely the key innovators and leaders in the realms that truly made us human: art, religion, social bonding, and the nurturing of new generations. The earliest sculptors carved women, the earliest storytellers sang of goddess-mothers, and natural selection itself, acting on the social brain, bears the imprint of women’s influence. The primordial matriarchy hypothesis, once relegated to fringe speculation, merits serious reconsideration in light of the interdisciplinary evidence. It invites us to envision early human society not as a Hobbesian patriarchy of brute force, but as a more subtle matriarchal web – one woven by wise women who, in seeking to better understand and care for others, unknowingly midwifed the human mind.

In the grand timeline of our species, patriarchy is a recent experiment – an arguably faltering one – built upon the much older foundation laid by a matrifocal age. If consciousness evolved first in a woman’s mind (perhaps as she soothed a child by the fire, or crafted a figure of the Mother Earth she worshipped), then the gendered evolution of consciousness is not just a catchy phrase but a literal description of our ascent. We awakened to ourselves through the eyes of women. Understanding this deep truth can reshape how we view gender relations today – not as fixed natural law, but as dynamic, with the potential for a more balanced future that recalls the partnership of our beginnings. As we reflect on the myth of Eden or the Golden Age, perhaps Eve was not an afterthought born of Adam’s rib, but the first to taste the fruit of knowledge – and it is high time we celebrate and learn from that first enlightenment.

FAQ#

Q 1. Does evidence of Venus figurines prove a literal female-run government?
A. No. The artifacts indicate symbolic reverence for the feminine, not necessarily political rule; they support a matrifocal or gender-balanced phase, not a queenly bureaucracy.

Q 2. Could similar goddess myths arise independently?
A. Possible, but the recurring package—Great Mother creator, later overthrow by male gods—across continents is more parsimoniously read as shared deep tradition or diffusion.

Q 3. What do X-linked selective sweeps really tell us?
A. They show strong selection on social-brain genes circa 50 kya; coupling this with archaeological and myth data suggests female-driven pressures favoring empathy and communication.

Sources#

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